New Turkey And New Cyprus

Just as we were keeping up our hopes on the negotiations between Turkish and Greek Cyprus, we were surprised by the news coming from the Greek side: They suspended the negotiations unilaterally.
Last Tuesday, Greek Cypriot leader Nicos Anastasiades announced that his government has suspended the peace talks regarding the unification of the island because Turkey sent a battleship to monitor oil and gas exploration missions, especially on Parcel 9, an area that Greek Cypriots have declared an exclusive economic zone ex parte, or unilaterally.
I attended the Fourth Cyprus Symposium, which was organized by several universities in Turkey and the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (KKTC). During the symposium, there was much food for thought where international law is concerned. I had the chance to discuss the crime of aggression and its possible impacts on the island. Prominent speakers talked about several aspects of the Cyprus issue, including energy supplies and sources related to the island. A brilliant analysis argued that there are insufficient data to prove that there exist economically “meaningful” oil and gas reserves on the south seaside of the island. However, there is much scientific proof that the south shores of Turkey -- namely the southern side of Kaş -- can be much more beneficial by means of energy.
That point triggers another debate about Turkey's sovereignty rights in the east Mediterranean and the potential energy lying under the sea. Meis (Kastellorizo), a Greek island that lies just across from Kaş, roughly one mile (two kilometers) off the south coast of Turkey, is another important limitation on a possible declaration of an exclusive economic zone. This situation makes it essential to raise the situation of Karaada and Fener Adası, two uninhabited islands that neighbor Meis. If Greece objects to Turkish use of undersea sources near Meis, it will be strategic to defend the same thing for Karaada and Fener Adası, as these may easily become another point of crisis between two countries, as was the case with the Kardak (Imia) islands in the Aegean Sea in 1995.
The east Mediterranean is a problematic area in terms of international law, and the energy crisis makes it doubly so. There exist several sides: Turkey, Greece, northern and southern Cyprus; other countries in the region, like Syria, Lebanon, Israel and Egypt; and other important players such as the United Kingdom, the United States, the European Union and Russia. Many mistakes have happened on the part of several sides.
A great possibility to reunify the island arose in 2004 based on the Annan plan, to which the Turkish Cypriot side said “yes” and the Greek Cypriot side said “no” in a referendum; the Greek Cypriot side subsequently became a member of the EU. This mistake affects events today, and it allows Anastasiades to easily walk away from the negotiation table.
In my opinion, half of this burden lies on the shoulders of the EU, which must keep its promises to remove the isolation on the northern side, as it is a necessity of pacta sunt servanda, a principle referring to the fact that the non-fulfillment of respective obligations is a breach of the pact. This is relevant because the Turkish side had said “yes” to the Annan plan.
For now, I think there must be some concessions and compromises for the Greek Cypriots to return to the table, as it will be strategic for the Turkish side to demand just that.
I read once that Anastasiades had said: “Cyprus was a breath away from economic collapse. It was a big battle in which we came out wounded, but upright and determined to make a fresh start.” It is a lovely way to think the same way about the peace negotiations, before we waste our few chances before 2015, the 60th anniversary of the dispute.

GÜNAL KURŞUN (Cihan/Today's Zaman)