Turkey's Strategic Imperative

I have been arguing for years that the strategic imperative for Turkey's security, necessitated by sheer sociological facts, is Turkish-Kurdish friendship and solidarity. Kurds comprise roughly 15 percent of the population and mostly live in regions where Turks are the majority. There are millions of citizens born out of mixed marriages. Kurdish national consciousness is on the rise. It is, therefore, impossible to guarantee domestic peace and territorial integrity without meeting the common demands of Kurdish citizens by enshrining their rights in a new and democratic Constitution.
During the Ottoman period, Turks and Kurds lived together as part of the Muslim nation. Turkey's War of Independence against foreign occupation and partition was won on the basis of a Turkish-Kurdish alliance. The Republic of Turkey was founded as a state for both peoples. After World War I the Kurds were divided between four countries as the Ottoman Empire had lost in the war and new countries were formed from its former lands. Borders that separate Turkey, Iraq and Syria now divide the Kurds.
Anyone who visits Arbil today can see for themselves how the close relations between Turkey and Iraqi Kurdistan have over the last 10 years turned the latter into an extension of Anatolia. It is a simple truth: Without solidarity with the Kurds of Iraq and Syria, Turkey cannot assure its security in the turmoil of the Middle East. The Kurds of Iraq and Syria would be ill-placed without solidarity with the latter. In short, Turks and Kurds are destined for friendship and solidarity. Any policy pursued by either side that denies this is bound to fail.
This is what I wrote about a year ago: “The Islamist uprising led by the Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant (ISIL) displaying extraordinary atrocities in Iraq and Syria, demonstrates the vital importance of Turkish-Kurdish solidarity. ISIL currently threatens the non-Sunni Arabs, including the Kurds of Iraq and Syria, but it will surely threaten Turkey too if it is not properly dealt with. What then can be a realistic and rational policy to ensure Turkey's security and territorial integrity? … Internally hasten the negotiation process and make peace with the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) on the basis of the common demands of Turkey's Kurds and on the condition that it will not use arms against Turkey or the Kurds. Stop manipulating the Kurds of Turkey, Iraq and Syria against each other and enhance friendship and solidarity with all.”
In the time that has elapsed since, the Peoples' Democratic Party (HDP) led by Selahattin Demirtaş increased its appeal by adopting a policy of defending peace and democracy under all circumstances, advocating the rights and freedoms of not only the Kurds but all who are discriminated against and became an assurance for Turkey's domestic peace and territorial integrity.
The Justice and Development Party (AKP), which brought to an end the denial of Kurdish identity, improved the rights and freedoms of the Kurds and launched a policy of having closer relations with Iraqi Kurdistan, but today it appears to have adopted an adverse policy. President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, the de facto leader of the AKP, nowadays says there is no longer a Kurdish problem, no peace talks with the PKK and that the PKK is more dangerous than ISIL. Erdoğan displays animosity towards the Kurds of Syria, declaring: “We will never allow the establishment of a state in Syria's north and our south. We will continue our fight in this regard no matter what it costs.” But the leader of the Syrian Kurds, Salih Muslim, has reiterated that they have no plans to establish a Kurdish state and has called for talks to resolve any differences that may exist.
The Nationalist Movement Party (MHP) led by Devlet Bahçeli, which appeared to pursue civilized relations with members of the HDP, including engaging in joint legislative work during the previous Parliament, has since the pre-election campaigns and onward assumed a policy of total disregard for the latter while Demirtaş expresses his party's willingness to, “work together to resolve the country's problems.” Both Erdoğan and Bahçeli may well think that a policy of hostility towards the Kurds will help their parties increase their share of the vote in the coming election. Such a policy is, however, not only in conflict with Turkey's national interests, but highly likely to backfire.

ŞAHİN ALPAY (Cihan/Today's Zaman)