18.01.2026 14:30
MHP leader Bahçeli shared an 8-point roadmap to quickly make progress regarding the peace, tranquility, unity, and integrity of Syria, as well as the welfare, fundamental rights, and freedoms of Syrians. The roadmap presented by Bahçeli includes items such as "the implementation of all articles of the March 10, 2025 agreement," "the drafting of a new and inclusive Syrian constitution," and "the inclusion of Kurdish as an elective course in the education system."
The leader of the Nationalist Movement Party (MHP), Devlet Bahçeli, issued a message regarding the developments in Syria. Sharing an 8-point roadmap, Bahçeli stated, "The YPG is a terrorist organization and does not represent the Syrian Kurds."
Bahçeli's statements are as follows; "The establishment of de facto control areas by the SDF in the northern and northeastern regions of the country has become one of the main obstacles to the reconstruction and stabilization process. The new Syrian administration led by Ahmed al-Shara has prioritized ending the fragmented structure and re-establishing central state authority. In this context, the agreement reached with the SDF on March 10, 2025, has been considered a significant turning point in terms of ending the armed presence of the organization and integrating it into state institutions. However, in the approximately ten months that have passed, the SDF leadership has exhibited a stance that clearly contradicts the spirit and provisions of the agreement; it has attempted to stall the process by keeping demands for autonomy and federation on the agenda. This approach has been perceived by the Damascus administration as a clear threat to Syria's territorial integrity. One of the most important factors strengthening the central government's position in this process has been Turkey's clear and resolute support for Syria's unitary structure. The SDF leader, Mazlum Abdi, did not respond positively to the call from the Syrian central government to end the SDF's existence and integrate into the central administration, due to support and provocation received from Israel. Although Mazlum Abdi has attempted to gain concessions from the Damascus administration by expressing demands for autonomy/federation, the Shara administration has acted decisively in establishing political unity and border integrity in the country.
TURKEY HAS ENCOURAGED THE CENTRAL GOVERNMENT IN SYRIA
Turkey's repeated statements that Syria should have a unitary structure have empowered Shara and encouraged the central government against the SDF's resistance. The establishment of de facto control areas by the SDF in the northern and northeastern regions of the country has become one of the main obstacles to the reconstruction and stabilization process. The new Syrian administration led by Ahmed al-Shara has prioritized ending the fragmented structure and re-establishing central state authority. In this context, the agreement reached with the SDF on March 10, 2025, has been considered a significant turning point in terms of ending the armed presence of the organization and integrating it into state institutions. However, in the approximately ten months that have passed, the SDF leadership has exhibited a stance that clearly contradicts the spirit and provisions of the agreement; it has attempted to stall the process by keeping demands for autonomy and federation on the agenda. This approach has been perceived by the Damascus administration as a clear threat to Syria's territorial integrity. One of the most important factors strengthening the central government's position in this process has been Turkey's clear and resolute support for Syria's unitary structure. The SDF leader, Mazlum Abdi, did not respond positively to the call from the Syrian central government to end the SDF's existence and integrate into the central administration, due to support and provocation received from Israel. Although Mazlum Abdi has attempted to gain concessions from the Damascus administration by expressing demands for autonomy/federation, the Shara administration has acted decisively in establishing political unity and border integrity in the country. Turkey's repeated statements that Syria should have a unitary structure have empowered Shara and encouraged the central government against the SDF's resistance.
A NEW STAGE HAS BEEN ENTERED
The failure of the SDF to fulfill the requirements of the March 10 agreement has led to serious reactions from both Ankara and Damascus. The military activity that began in the last days of 2025 has entered a new stage with the initiation of operations against the SDF, which still holds armed elements in Aleppo, and Aleppo has been quickly cleared of SDF terrorist elements and remnants of the Assad regime that supported them. The Syrian army, moving eastward towards Aleppo, has recently taken control of Meskene and 34 villages and towns after Deyr Hafir, which was under SDF occupation west of the Euphrates River, and has begun to gather its units southwest of Raqqa. On the morning of January 17, the Syrian army announced that the region west of the Euphrates had been declared a military closed zone, calling on civilians in the area to stay away from the positions of the PKK terrorist militias and the remnants of the SDF's allied regime. The superiority demonstrated by the Syrian army against the SDF/PKK has not only shown the Damascus administration's will to establish control over the entire country but has also revealed the fact that the SDF is not as strong and effective as it claims.
BECAUSE KURDS IN SYRIA ARE DIFFERENT, SDF IS DIFFERENT
On the other hand, it has become clearer during this process that many Kurdish and Arab tribes living in the areas controlled by the SDF are uncomfortable with the SDF's presence, prefer the sovereignty of the Damascus administration, and would side with the Damascus side in a potential conflict between the Syrian Army and the SDF. During the process when the Syrian army advanced towards Raqqa on January 17 and 18, many tribes declared their support for the Syrian central government one after another. This is the right thing to do, as Kurds in Syria are different, and the SDF is different. The SDF is a terrorist organization and does not represent the Syrian Kurds. These developments indicate that the SDF cannot maintain control over a territory predominantly composed of Arabs by force and that even if it wanted to, it would not be given the opportunity due to the cooperation of local elements opposing the Damascus administration and the SDF. This picture shows that time is no longer working in favor of the SDF/PKK. Indeed, on January 17, the SDF terrorist organization announced through Mazlum Abdi that "upon the calls of friendly countries and mediators; we have decided to withdraw to the east of the Euphrates to demonstrate our goodwill regarding the completion of the integration process and our commitment to implementing the provisions of the March 10 agreement," although this was within the framework of the deterrence of the Syrian army, it is an important stage in terms of fulfilling the March 10 agreement. The Damascus administration is pursuing a strategy that narrows the maneuvering space of the SDF by using its political legitimacy, regional balances, and the dissatisfaction of local elements without directly and comprehensively engaging in military conflict on the ground. This approach demonstrates that the determination to re-establish central authority is not merely at the level of rhetoric but is based on gradual and controlled planning. The SDF's insistence on autonomy or federation increasingly contradicts the sociological reality on the ground. The predominance of the Arab population in most of the areas it controls, the local tribes' distance from the SDF administration, which they perceive as an exclusionary and ideological structure, and the discomfort arising from economic-military obligations are weakening the organization's social base.
This situation demonstrates that the SDG's long-term continuation of the current status quo through armed coercion is unsustainable. On the other hand, Turkey's consistent and clear stance regarding Syria's territorial integrity and unitary structure directly affects the equation on the ground. Ankara's approach strengthens the hand of the Damascus government while also producing a deterrent that limits the SDG's expectations of external support. This attitude, which centers on Turkey's security concerns, increasingly makes the SDG's search for a "protective umbrella" more fragile. In this context, it can be said that the SDG has three main options ahead: These are; to accept integration with the central government and step back from its armed and political claims; to attempt to maintain the current status quo while risking increasing military and political pressure; or to try to buy time by relying on external actors.
THE ONLY OPTION IS SYRIA'S UNITY AND INTEGRITY
The current regional conjuncture and developments in the balance of power on the ground show that the SDG/PKK is not as strong, indispensable, and without alternatives as it claims; on the contrary, it is increasingly cornered in the face of central state authority, the attitudes of regional actors, and local sociological dynamics. Therefore, the only reasonable option is to commit to the unity and integrity of Syria and to fully implement the requirements of the March 10 agreement. It is clear that the conflict will bring no benefit to anyone. The key to Syria's reconstruction is the holistic gathering of the Syrian army under a single roof. The habits left over from the conflict period must come to an end for the restructuring of the Syrian army. The YPG/SDG and all its subordinate structures must be rapidly and completely dissolved and bound to the relevant institutions in a way that there is no return. In the upcoming process, the decisive factor in the Syrian field will not be armed impositions, but the reconstruction of central authority and the extent to which local elements are integrated into this process.
Shara's statement regarding the Kurdish language and culture and the signing of decree number 13 will have a positive effect on establishing unity and stability by stating that Syrian Kurdish citizens are an essential and inseparable part of the Syrian people, and that their cultural and linguistic identities are an indispensable element of the Syrian national identity that carries unity within diversity. This decree has shown that the determination to establish a unitary structure and eliminate the control areas of terrorist organizations is intended to be supported by social consensus. The decree, which is a positive step towards strengthening social reconciliation and unity, is not a concession to the SDG; on the contrary, it has weakened the unfounded claim that the SDG is the "representative of the Kurds." The provisions of the decree concerning the Kurds will have effects such as strengthening the concept of "Syrian Citizenship," being adopted by broader masses, and weakening views that demand ethnic-based separatism. This decree does not create a situation against other ethnic groups living in Syria, such as "Turkmen," but indicates that the cultural rights of essential elements like Turkmen cannot be ignored while preparing the new Constitution of the Syrian Republic. It is clear that evaluating these rights granted to the Kurds as privileges for a certain group could risk national unity and solidarity, and caution should be exercised in this regard. In this direction, ensuring that the regulations regarding the Kurdish language and the rights of Kurds who have not obtained citizenship and remain stateless are made in the same way for other groups across the country will facilitate the creation of a democratic and inclusive cultural and political atmosphere throughout Syria.
Moreover, steps should continue to be taken seriously to implement all articles of the March 10 agreement as soon as possible. The withdrawal of the SDG from the west of the Euphrates is important, and the Syrian government will be able to fully ensure stability in these regions in a short time and normalize life. However, it should not be limited to the west of the Euphrates, and the dream of pursuing a federation similar to that in Iraq should be abandoned. Syria should not be fragmented by artificial, geographical, or ethnic divisions such as the west and east of the Euphrates. The Syrian Government must be sovereign throughout Syria, provide services everywhere, control natural resources, and ensure stability. Instead of any model that could contradict Syria's territorial integrity and political unity, Syria should be built as a democratic, inclusive, and reconciliatory Republic that emphasizes partnerships. The issuance of a decree by Shara that separates Syrian Kurds from the terrorist organization SDG, expressing that the fundamental rights and freedoms of Kurdish-origin Syrian citizens are guaranteed within a constitutional framework, is an important and commendable step in this regard. Subsequently, his public statement has also been an expression of determination and sincerity regarding Syria's unity and integrity. As the Nationalist Movement Party, we proposed the drafting of a Constitution based on an understanding that integrates "Syrian citizenship," which is inclusive, embracing, and conciliatory, bringing together all ethnic and religious elements in Syria's common future, and based on the protection of fundamental rights and freedoms grounded in democratic, stable, representative justice, and free elections. I must say in advance that the decree number 2026/13 published by the President of Syria on January 16, 2026, based on the provisions of the "Constitutional declaration," in accordance with the requirements of high national interests, regarding the role and responsibility of strengthening the national unity of the state and recognizing cultural and civil rights for all Syrian citizens, has content that aligns with our thoughts and proposals. As soon as the decree was issued, a self-proclaimed group turned to a pollution that is not based on scientific data, academic and moral consistency, and facts, and entered a race to portray this development negatively through media and social media. I ask!
What harm would it cause for Syrian Kurdish citizens to be recognized as a fundamental and essential part of the Syrian people, and for their cultural and linguistic identities to be an inseparable part of the multifaceted and united Syrian national identity? For the state to protect cultural and linguistic diversity, to guarantee the right of Kurdish citizens to preserve their heritage, arts, and to develop their mother tongues within the framework of national sovereignty? For Kurdish to be taught as an elective course or as part of educational-cultural activities in state and private schools in regions where the Kurdish population is significant, and for March 21 to be declared an official holiday as "Nevruz Bayramı"? In our view, the aforementioned decree is a timely and significant step taken in the right direction to strengthen unity and integrity in Syria.The issue of granting the right to teach Kurdish as an elective course in schools located in regions with a high Kurdish population necessitates evaluating the separation of "official language" and language freedom. Every person's mother tongue is a right, like mother's milk. However, speaking in a common language that everyone understands in the public and political sphere is essential for the construction of public interests, different identities, and social equality through a language, as well as for unity and integrity. The differentiation of the national language, expressed as a sociological and cultural definition, from the official language is also a requirement of science and reason.
The ethnic and religious structure of Syria is quite diverse, and this diversity is an important element that shapes the country's complex social, political, and cultural structure. The current ethnic and religious composition of Syria will play a significant role in the formation of the country's political, social, and cultural conditions in the future, just as it has in the past. It is a reality that if a system is prepared to keep differences alive, it will be difficult for Syria to escape its chaotic past. Therefore, as we emphasize regarding the reconstruction and revival process of Syria; we foresee a legal and social order that embraces ethnic, religious, and similar differences in Syria, based on a unifying, single Syria; we evaluate that such a Syria is also inevitable for the peace and tranquility of the region. Thus, in the upcoming period, establishing national unity by conceptualizing Syria as an indivisible whole with its territory and population, based on a unitary structure, emerges as an urgent and indispensable need. In this context, the most critical issue is the drafting of a new Constitution. The Constitution must have a quality that embraces all ethnic and religious groups living in Syria, guarantees equality, fundamental rights and freedoms, ensures free elections, free enterprise, freedom of religion and conscience, the rule of law, and human rights, which is indispensable for Syria's unity and stability. Establishing a unitary structure based on the principle of the indivisible integrity of Syria, with its country and nation, should not bring discussions that could revive old conflict lines and terrorist activities, such as federation, confederation, or autonomy, to the agenda. It should be ensured that everyone connected to the Syrian Republic by citizenship has equal rights, freedoms, and obligations, that ethnic or religious differences hold no significance in the eyes of the state, and that the most important common denominator is "Syrian Citizenship." The establishment of Arabic as the official language, due to the fact that the majority consists of Arabs, and the implementation of compulsory basic education in Arabic throughout the country, along with the inclusion of languages such as Kurdish and Turkish as elective courses in the curriculum, should ensure that non-Arabic speakers gain proficiency in their own languages. A government structure should be built based on a presidential system; the principle of stability in governance should not be compromised, a participatory electoral system should be implemented that ensures representation of all segments of society in parliament, and the separation of powers among the legislative, executive, and judiciary should be established. Syria has emerged from the destructive effects of the long-standing Baath regime and is moving towards stability, unity, and integrity with its new administration and the Syrians who believe in and trust them. Turkey's peace and security are closely related to Syria's security and stability.
8-POINT ROADMAP
In our opinion; in light of the developments experienced, it would be appropriate to follow the roadmap below in order to quickly make progress regarding Syria's peace, tranquility, unity, and integrity, as well as the welfare, fundamental rights, and freedoms of Syrians:
1. The full implementation of all articles of the March 10, 2025 agreement, the complete dissolution of the SDF and its derivative structures, and their integration into Syrian state institutions in a complete and irreversible manner.
2. The removal of discussions on federation, autonomy, and division from the agenda, the permanent assurance of Syria's territorial integrity, the rapid establishment of central state authority throughout the country, the provision of sovereignty by the Syrian government across the entire country without distinction between the west and east of the Euphrates, and the prevention of artificial geographical, ethnic, or political divisions to protect the unitary state structure.
3. The drafting of a new and inclusive Syrian constitution, establishing a constitutional order that encompasses all ethnic and religious groups, is inclusive, egalitarian, democratic, and based on the rule of law.
4. The clear differentiation of the Kurds from the SDF, invalidating the claim that the SDF is the "representative of the Kurds," and breaking this perception at the societal level.
5. The inclusion of Kurdish as an elective course in the education system, as well as the consideration and recognition of the cultural rights of all original elements, especially Turkmen.
6. Strengthening the concept of "Syrian citizenship," making the bond of citizenship the fundamental common denominator instead of ethnic and religious affiliations, preserving the principle of a single official language, and taking steps that will enable social reconciliation and strengthen national unity.
7. Ensuring stability in governance based on a presidential system, creating a strong and stable government structure with executive capacity, establishing the principle of separation of powers, creating a democratic, representative political system, ensuring free and fair elections, multi-party life, and representation justice, guaranteeing fundamental rights, freedom of religion and conscience, free enterprise, and the protection of human rights and freedoms.
8. A strong, integrated Syria, both economically and politically, becoming one of the key actors in regional stability.
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